Jewish Perspectives

The persistent struggle of the Bil'in villagers against the Separation Wall/Fence being erected on their land is increasingly getting the attention and involvement of the Israeli mainstream. In August and September, the army made a concerted effort to break the protests by force, and make of Bil'in an intimidating "example" to other villagers contemplating resistance to decrees and oppressive measures.

Good, but not good enough. That was how the peace camp in Israel summed up the results of the elections. The left of center had hoped for more, but was not overly dissatisfied with what it got. The peaceniks consoled themselves with the fact that their opponents had much greater cause to bemoan the results.

Those results were, above all, a vote of no confidence in the settler movement and its backers.The majority of Israel's voters very clearly pronounced their support for that proposed withdrawal.

by David Kimchi

It is time for the Israeli and Palestinian leaderships and people to open a process of imagining peace. This is not to be confused with designing the "New Middle East" fantasy world, but rather beginning to paint realistic pictures of scenarios of how each side envisions Israeli-Palestinian peace.

by Gershon Baskin

by David Rudge

Jerusalem - An Umm el-Fahm resident has spent some NIS 20,000 of his own money to establish what is reportedly the first-ever Holocaust teaching centre in the Israeli Arab sector.

Lawyer Khaled Mahameed decided on the step to help disseminate information about the Holocaust to Arabs to create greater understanding that he hopes will eventually lead to peace and equality.

The centre, known as the Arab Institute for Holocaust Research and Education, is based in Nazareth, in a hall that he has rented along the city's main street not far from Mary's Well.

by Yossi Alpher

The decision by PLO/PA leader Mahmoud Abbas to integrate Hamas into Palestinian politics could have far-reaching ramifications for the way Israel addresses political dialogue with the Palestinians.

Hamas is currently defined by Israel, and by much of the world, as a terrorist organization. It has never in any way accepted Israel's right to exist or expressed a readiness to sign a peace treaty ending the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. On the other hand, Abbas' approach to Hamas conceivably presents a working model for the peaceful transformation of radical Islamist movements into legitimate political actors within a democratic system. How should Israel react?

Hamas intends to continue participating in Palestinian Authority local elections and to run in national elections for the Palestinian Legislative Council in July. Judging by its success in the last round of municipal elections, when it won a majority of the local councils contested in Gaza, and in view of the current disarray within the ranks of Fateh and that organization's corrupt image in the eyes of the Palestinian public, Hamas could register considerable gains in elections and possibly demand to play a role in the next Palestinian Authority government. The election results are also expected to determine the balance of forces between Fateh and Hamas within the PLO, assuming current understandings are maintained and Hamas is brought into that umbrella organization. In the words of Hamas leader Khaled Mishal, we will soon encounter "a PLO in which Fateh no longer has a monopoly".

by Yossi Alpher

The only recorded instance of settler leaders and Palestinian leaders discussing the possibility of settlers remaining on Palestinian territory after Israeli withdrawal, took place ten years ago in talks I organized in Jerusalem. The discussion of the issue is recorded in And the wolf shall dwell with the wolf: the settlers and the Palestinians, a book (in Hebrew) I published four years ago. Some of the statements made then have only now become truly relevant.

Hassan Asfour, chief Palestinian negotiator: "We want a democratic country. The presence of Jews will help us ensure democracy, and will also enable us to serve as a bridge between Israel and the Arab world. As for the settlements per se, they are a consequence of occupation. Where their location doesn't constitute a problem for us, we'll consider the possibility of leaving them in place. But not before a Palestinian state comes into being in Gaza and the West Bank. . . . [A] settler can remain . . . as an individual. . . . "

Khalil Shikaki, leading Palestinian political scientist: "I understand [the settlers'] ideological motivation. But why . . . insist on national sovereignty? I came . . . to see whether I'm correct or not when I assume that ideologically-motivated Jews want to live in the Land of Israel for reasons that transcend politics."