Does aid promote decolonisation?

The Emergence of a Palestinian Globalised Elite: Donors, International Organisations and Local NGOs
Sari Hanafi and Linda Tabar
Jerusalem: Institute of Jerusalem Studies and Muwatin, the Palestinian Institute for the Study of Democracy, 2005
Pp. 405

Reviewed by Sally Bland

With much analytical and empirical evidence, Hanafi and Tabar persuasively argue for their thesis that the international aid pumped into the occupied Palestinian territories during the 1990s created a new elite among local NGOs. In the process, their book gives much theoretical and practical insight into how the development aid industry functions globally and how it impacts on local societies.

The value of this book lies not only in shedding light on Palestinian NGOs; it also raises fundamental questions about the current state of interaction between North and South, between international organisations and local staff, politics and aid, and development and decolonisation. Not least, it examines and, in many cases, challenges trendy preconceptions related to terms such as civil society, accountability, advocacy, micro-credit, training and modernity.

It was the outbreak of the second Intifada that exposed the disconnection between Palestinian NGOs and the popular movement. Though most Palestinian NGOs grew out of the anti-occupation struggle and the activism of the first Intifada, the post-Oslo situation brought new conditions and new types of funding into the Palestinian arena. At the same time, Arab funding dwindled, and the global scene was increasingly steered by the neo-liberal economic model and US dominance in the field.

Whereas Palestinian NGOs had previously received funding from solidarity groups and other donors to defend their national rights, they now had to scramble for funds that were dispensed in the framework of a hypothesised post-conflict situation that called for reconstruction, but left aside the issues of occupation and decolonisation. International NGOs funding Palestinian NGOs were now often conduits for aid from Western governments who had their own agendas tied to the peace process.

Under the impact of donors' criteria and priorities, Palestinian NGOs evolved into professional organisations and redesigned their projects to harmonise with the new international agenda. In many cases, they shifted from grassroots support programmes towards advocacy - speaking on behalf of the people and their needs, but not actually mobilising them or empowering them to speak up and act for themselves.

Via their contacts with Western diplomats, international NGOs and other donors, Palestinian NGO staff gained access to new knowledge, experience and opportunities, which were not necessarily recycled back into their local constituency. Thus, Hanafi and Tabar postulate that the leaderships of large, successful Palestinian NGOs have evolved into "a globalised elite due to their connectivity to international NGOs, actors and agendas". (p. 24)

Their actions are "fore-grounded by debates, development paradigms and international standards, which are not bound to their local context". (p. 26)

"All this suggests that the effect of the entry of NGOs into aid channels ironically challenges their ability to act as real agents of social change." (p. 224)

Criticising Palestinian NGOs is not, however, the real purpose of this book. Rather, it seems designed to generate debate and to challenge NGOs to reassess their work and reestablish their connection to the popular movement and anti-occupation struggle. It seeks to bridge the gap between development aid projects and the decolonisation process.

To this end, "The Emergence of a Palestinian Globalised Elite" sums up the experience of the 90s, giving detailed information on donor policies, aid distribution, defining agendas and negotiations with donors, based on case studies in three fields: women, human rights and the health sector.

A number of negative examples of donor priorities are cited, such as the over-funding of family planning programmes and the under-funding of agriculture, the largest Palestinian economic sector.

While some negative donor priorities stem from a lack of understanding of local realities, others are influenced by the parameters set by Israeli occupation policy. On the other hand, the book cites examples of how some Palestinian NGOs have been able to successfully influence donor agendas in a more productive direction.

The book concludes with an extensive section on transnational networking of different types, from the protest movement against the WTO in Seattle to networking organised around UN conferences and the Barcelona Process, as well as examples of regional networking, like the Arab Women's Network (AISHA).

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This article was published in the Monday, November 21, 2005 edition of the Jordan Times. It is used here with permission.