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An uneasy symbiosis
by Jessica Montell
The relationship between human rights and conflict is a complex, multidimensional
one. With the conflagration of the conflict in the fall of 2000, human rights
violations increased dramatically in scale and intensity. In the past three years
and ten months, over 3,800 people have been killed, tens of thousands have been
wounded, thousands of houses have been destroyed, and hundreds of thousands of
people have been placed under siege. The conflict has wrought poverty, humiliation,
hostility, and polarization. Though human rights are also violated in societies at
peace, such violations are endemic to a conflict like our own.
Yet human rights violations are not merely a result of the conflict, they are also a
cause. It is impossible to adequately explain the collapse of the Oslo process and
the explosion of violence in September 2000 without mentioning the expansion of
settlements, the daily humiliation of Palestinians by Israeli forces, and the
targeting of Israeli civilians by Palestinian suicide bombers. Though these
phenomena are generally seen through a political lens, they are all also human
rights violations.
It is rare to see the statistic I have cited above: over 3,800 people killed as a
direct result of this conflict since September 2000. Most casualty statistics
perpetuate a zero-sum mentality that compares Palestinian and Israeli deaths. This
macabre accounting of how many have been killed on "my" side versus "your" side
stands in stark contrast to the most basic tenet of human rights: the idea that
every human being has equal rights, and that the life of a Palestinian child, for
example, is of equal worth to the life of an Israeli child.
Recognition of the universality of human rights, however, does not obscure the
fundamental asymmetry of this conflict. Israel maintains a military occupation over
some 3.6 million Palestinians with an apartheid-like separation of Jews and
Palestinians, whereby one's rights, benefits and access to resources are determined
by one's national identity. This is not to say that Israelis are not victims of
human rights violations as well. Indeed, the targeted attacks on Israeli civilians
are almost universally recognized as war crimes. However, Israeli organizations like
B'Tselem focus on the actions of their own government, and their government
systematically violates Palestinian rights, while devoting enormous resources to
protect Israelis. Thus Israeli organizations are in the unique position of defending
the human rights of "the other" or even the enemy in this conflict.
It is clear that we will never enjoy full human rights in a situation of occupation
and conflict, and therefore resolution of the conflict is essential to protecting
human rights. This does not mean that there is an easy symbiosis between human
rights and conflict resolution. In fact, human rights violations are as frequently
justified in the name of conflict resolution as they are by the conflict itself.
Governments on the left and the right have persecuted the "opponents of peace,"
placing detractors in administrative detention, torturing them and deporting them.
One of the primary roles of the human rights community is to state unequivocally
that the ends cannot justify the means. Not even the lofty goal of resolving this
conflict and bringing peace to Israelis and Palestinians can justify violation of
fundamental human rights.
Human rights organizations must be actively involved in resolving this conflict.
Though we do not take a position on political issues, any diplomatic solution must
also accord with all sides' legal obligations. There is a utilitarian reason to
include human rights in conflict resolution: we learned from the Oslo process that a
peace process that ignores human rights violations is vulnerable at its core,
perhaps even doomed to failure. Yet human rights are also a moral imperative
regardless of their utilitarian merits.
It is therefore a mistake for diplomatic initiatives like the roadmap to treat a
settlement freeze, an end to house demolitions or lifting the siege on Palestinian
communities solely as confidence-building measures. These are legal obligations that
Israel must uphold regardless of any progress in negotiations.
The same is true of the separation barrier, Palestinian refugees, Israeli
settlements and the future status of Jerusalem - all these must be understood not
only as political issues, but also as issues implicating legal obligations that must
be respected. Just as human rights violations are a cause of conflict, no conflict
can be successfully resolved without taking human rights and international
humanitarian law into account.
- Published 2/8/2004 (c) bitterlemons.org. Used here with permission.
Jessica Montell is executive director of B'Tselem: the Israeli Information Center
for Human Rights in the Occupied Territories.

